miro
01-18 11:47 AM
I had an H1 for about 3 years (2 different employers), and then was hired by an international organization. I gave up the H1 and got a G4 visa, which I still have. Over the last 3 years with a G4, my credentials have changed, and am due to get my masters degree in May 2008. If I were to move to a job requiring H1 when I get my masters, will the total number of years allowed for me to hold an H1 roll back to 6 years? I'm thinking that since the skills I had as an H1B visa holder before have changed now.
Any info would be appreciated! Thanks.
Any info would be appreciated! Thanks.
wallpaper and aunts. happy birthday
nishu_baby
03-02 12:22 AM
Hi Gurus
I have a 4 year Indian Bachelor degree and 5 years of IT experience.
Of my 5 year experience
4 years is for My Company (India) Ltd
1 year is for My Company (US) Ltd.
Will my total experience be treated as progressive and can I process in EB2 category?
Kindly answer my query? Thanks in advance.
I have a 4 year Indian Bachelor degree and 5 years of IT experience.
Of my 5 year experience
4 years is for My Company (India) Ltd
1 year is for My Company (US) Ltd.
Will my total experience be treated as progressive and can I process in EB2 category?
Kindly answer my query? Thanks in advance.
RNGC
03-07 09:18 AM
http://www.computerworld.com/action/article.do?command=viewArticleBasic&taxonomyName=outsourcing&articleId=9066460&taxonomyId=60&intsrc=kc_feat
Bill Gates to appear before congress on March 12, I know it is not easy to approach him and seek his help for our cause in a short time...but felt throwing this idea is not a bad idea....
Anybody know Mr.Gates ?
Bill Gates to appear before congress on March 12, I know it is not easy to approach him and seek his help for our cause in a short time...but felt throwing this idea is not a bad idea....
Anybody know Mr.Gates ?
2011 happy birthday quotes for
Macaca
12-13 06:23 PM
Intraparty Feuds Dog Democrats, Stall Congress (http://online.wsj.com/public/article/SB119750838630225395.html) By David Rogers | Wall Street Journal, Dec 13, 2007
WASHINGTON -- Democrats took control of Congress last January promising a "new direction." A year later, the image that haunts them most is one symbolizing no direction at all: gridlock.
Unfinished work is piling up -- legislation to aid borrowers affected by the housing mess, rescue millions of middle-class families from a big tax increase and put stricter gas-mileage limits on the auto industry. Two months into the new fiscal year, Democrats are still scrambling just to keep the government open.
President Bush and Republicans are contributing to the impasse, but there's another factor: Intraparty squabbling between House Democrats and Senate Democrats is sometimes almost as fierce as the partisan battling.
A fracas between Democrats this week over a proposed $522 billion spending package is the latest example. The spending would keep the government running through the current fiscal year, which ends Sept. 30, 2008, but it has opened party divisions over funding the Iraq war and lawmakers' home-state projects.
After enjoying an early rise, Congress's approval ratings have fallen since the spring amid the rancor. In the latest Wall Street Journal/NBC poll, just 19% of respondents said they approved of the job Congress is doing, while 68% disapproved.
Democrats are hoping to get a boost by enacting the tougher auto- mileage standards before Christmas, but other matters, such as a farm bill to continue government price supports, are likely to wait for the new year.
Republicans suffered from the same House-Senate tensions in their 12 years of rule in Congress. But the situation is more acute now for Democrats, who must cope with both Mr. Bush's vetoes and the narrowest of margins in the Senate, leaving them vulnerable to Republican filibusters.
Democrats in the House interpret the 2006 elections as a mandate for change. They are more antiwar and more willing to shed old ways -- such as "earmarks" for legislators' pet projects -- to confront the White House. Senate Democrats, by comparison, remain more tied to tradition and institutional rules that demand consensus before taking action.
"The Senate and House are out of phase with one another," says Rep. Barney Frank, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee. "There was a big change last year, a big change that affected the whole House and one-third of the Senate. That's the fundamental disconnect."
Rather than move to the center after 2006, President Bush has moved right to shore up his conservative base. He has also adopted a confrontational veto strategy calculated to disrupt the new Congress and reduce its effectiveness in challenging him on Iraq.
Just yesterday, the president issued his second veto of Democrat- backed legislation to expand government-provided health insurance for the children of working-class families. In his first six years as president, Mr. Bush issued only one veto. Since Democrats took over Congress, he has issued six vetoes, and threats of more hang over the budget talks now.
For Democrats, teamwork is vital to challenging the president, and it's not always forthcoming. A comment by Charles Rangel, a New York Democrat who is chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, suggests the distant relationship between the two houses. "We have a constitutional responsibility to send legislation over there," said Rep. Rangel. "Quite frankly I don't give a damn what they feel."
Adds Wisconsin Rep. David Obey, the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee: "I can tell you when bills will move and you can tell me when the Senate will sell us out."
With 2008 an election year overseen by a lame-duck president, it's unlikely that Congress will be able to break out of its slump.
Sometimes the disputes resemble play-acting. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D., Nev.) has quietly invited House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D., Cal.) to blame the Senate if it suits her purpose to explain the slow pace of legislation, according to a person close to Sen. Reid.
At the same time, he can use her as his foil to fend off Republican demands in the Senate: "I can't control Speaker Pelosi," he said last week in debate on an energy bill. "She is a strong independent woman. She runs the House with an iron hand."
Still, the interchamber differences have real consequences, as seen in the fight over the budget.
Senate Appropriations Committee Chairman Robert Byrd of West Virginia long argued against creating a big package that would combine all the main spending bills. He preferred to confront Mr. Bush with a series of targeted individual bills where he could gain some Republican support and maintain leverage over the president. But Mr. Byrd was undercut by his leadership's failure to allow more time for debate on the Senate floor. After Labor Day, the House began pressing for a single large package.
The $522 billion proposed bill ultimately emerged from weeks of talks that included moderate Republicans. The bill cut $10.6 billion from earlier spending proposals, moving closer to Mr. Bush, while giving him new money he wanted for the State Department as well as a border-security initiative.
No new money was provided specifically for Iraq but the bill gives the Pentagon an additional $31 billion for the war in Afghanistan and body armor for troops in the field. The goal was to provide enough money for Army accounts so its funding would be adequate into April, when a fuller debate could be held on the U.S.'s plans in Iraq.
For Senate Democrats and Mr. Byrd, the effort was a gamble that a moderate center could be found to stand up to Mr. Bush. The more combative Mr. Obey, the House appropriations chairman, was never persuaded this could happen.
After the White House announced its opposition over the weekend, Mr. Obey said Monday that the budget proposal was dead unless changes were made. The effect was to divide Democrats again, instead of putting up a united front against the White House's resistance.
Mr. Obey suggested that lawmakers should be willing to strip out home-state projects, acceding to Mr. Bush's tight line on spending, if that's what it took to make a tough stand on Iraq.
"I am perfectly willing to lose every dollar on the domestic side of the ledger in order to avoid giving them money for the war without conditions," Mr. Obey said. His suggestion met strong resistance from Senate Democrats. At a party luncheon, senators were almost comic in their anger, said one colleague who was present, loudly complaining of being reduced to being "puppets" or "slaves."
On the Senate floor yesterday, Texas Republican Sen. John Cornyn said Democrats were showing signs of "attention deficit disorder." Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican, accused the new majority of being more interested in "finger pointing" and "headlines" than legislation. "It won't get bills signed into law," he said.
While Ms. Pelosi had personally supported Mr. Obey's approach, she instructed the House committee to preserve the projects as it began a second round of spending reductions yesterday, cutting an additional $6.9 billion from the $522 billion package.
The Senate committee's Democratic staff joined in the discussions by evening, but the White House denied reports that a deal had been reached at a spending ceiling above the president's initial request.
If agreement is not reached by the end of next week, lawmakers may have to resort again to a yearlong funding resolution that effectively freezes most agencies at their current levels. This would be a repeat of the collapse of the budget process last year under Republican rule -- not the "new direction" Democrats had hoped for.
Tied in Knots
The House and Senate are struggling to complete several matters before they head home this month.
Appropriations: Only the Pentagon budget is in place for the new fiscal year that began Oct. 1. The House and Senate are struggling to finish a bill covering the rest of the government.
Farm bill: The Senate still hopes to complete its version of a farm bill but negotiations with the House will wait until next year.
AMT relief: The House and Senate have passed legislation limiting the alternative minimum tax's hit on millions of middle-class taxpayers. But they differ about whether to offset the lost revenue.
Medicare: Doctors are set to see a cut in Medicare payments in 2008, which lawmakers want to prevent. The House acted, but Senate hasn't yet.
Housing: Several bills addressing the housing crisis have passed the House but are languishing in the Senate.
WASHINGTON -- Democrats took control of Congress last January promising a "new direction." A year later, the image that haunts them most is one symbolizing no direction at all: gridlock.
Unfinished work is piling up -- legislation to aid borrowers affected by the housing mess, rescue millions of middle-class families from a big tax increase and put stricter gas-mileage limits on the auto industry. Two months into the new fiscal year, Democrats are still scrambling just to keep the government open.
President Bush and Republicans are contributing to the impasse, but there's another factor: Intraparty squabbling between House Democrats and Senate Democrats is sometimes almost as fierce as the partisan battling.
A fracas between Democrats this week over a proposed $522 billion spending package is the latest example. The spending would keep the government running through the current fiscal year, which ends Sept. 30, 2008, but it has opened party divisions over funding the Iraq war and lawmakers' home-state projects.
After enjoying an early rise, Congress's approval ratings have fallen since the spring amid the rancor. In the latest Wall Street Journal/NBC poll, just 19% of respondents said they approved of the job Congress is doing, while 68% disapproved.
Democrats are hoping to get a boost by enacting the tougher auto- mileage standards before Christmas, but other matters, such as a farm bill to continue government price supports, are likely to wait for the new year.
Republicans suffered from the same House-Senate tensions in their 12 years of rule in Congress. But the situation is more acute now for Democrats, who must cope with both Mr. Bush's vetoes and the narrowest of margins in the Senate, leaving them vulnerable to Republican filibusters.
Democrats in the House interpret the 2006 elections as a mandate for change. They are more antiwar and more willing to shed old ways -- such as "earmarks" for legislators' pet projects -- to confront the White House. Senate Democrats, by comparison, remain more tied to tradition and institutional rules that demand consensus before taking action.
"The Senate and House are out of phase with one another," says Rep. Barney Frank, chairman of the House Financial Services Committee. "There was a big change last year, a big change that affected the whole House and one-third of the Senate. That's the fundamental disconnect."
Rather than move to the center after 2006, President Bush has moved right to shore up his conservative base. He has also adopted a confrontational veto strategy calculated to disrupt the new Congress and reduce its effectiveness in challenging him on Iraq.
Just yesterday, the president issued his second veto of Democrat- backed legislation to expand government-provided health insurance for the children of working-class families. In his first six years as president, Mr. Bush issued only one veto. Since Democrats took over Congress, he has issued six vetoes, and threats of more hang over the budget talks now.
For Democrats, teamwork is vital to challenging the president, and it's not always forthcoming. A comment by Charles Rangel, a New York Democrat who is chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, suggests the distant relationship between the two houses. "We have a constitutional responsibility to send legislation over there," said Rep. Rangel. "Quite frankly I don't give a damn what they feel."
Adds Wisconsin Rep. David Obey, the chairman of the House Appropriations Committee: "I can tell you when bills will move and you can tell me when the Senate will sell us out."
With 2008 an election year overseen by a lame-duck president, it's unlikely that Congress will be able to break out of its slump.
Sometimes the disputes resemble play-acting. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D., Nev.) has quietly invited House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D., Cal.) to blame the Senate if it suits her purpose to explain the slow pace of legislation, according to a person close to Sen. Reid.
At the same time, he can use her as his foil to fend off Republican demands in the Senate: "I can't control Speaker Pelosi," he said last week in debate on an energy bill. "She is a strong independent woman. She runs the House with an iron hand."
Still, the interchamber differences have real consequences, as seen in the fight over the budget.
Senate Appropriations Committee Chairman Robert Byrd of West Virginia long argued against creating a big package that would combine all the main spending bills. He preferred to confront Mr. Bush with a series of targeted individual bills where he could gain some Republican support and maintain leverage over the president. But Mr. Byrd was undercut by his leadership's failure to allow more time for debate on the Senate floor. After Labor Day, the House began pressing for a single large package.
The $522 billion proposed bill ultimately emerged from weeks of talks that included moderate Republicans. The bill cut $10.6 billion from earlier spending proposals, moving closer to Mr. Bush, while giving him new money he wanted for the State Department as well as a border-security initiative.
No new money was provided specifically for Iraq but the bill gives the Pentagon an additional $31 billion for the war in Afghanistan and body armor for troops in the field. The goal was to provide enough money for Army accounts so its funding would be adequate into April, when a fuller debate could be held on the U.S.'s plans in Iraq.
For Senate Democrats and Mr. Byrd, the effort was a gamble that a moderate center could be found to stand up to Mr. Bush. The more combative Mr. Obey, the House appropriations chairman, was never persuaded this could happen.
After the White House announced its opposition over the weekend, Mr. Obey said Monday that the budget proposal was dead unless changes were made. The effect was to divide Democrats again, instead of putting up a united front against the White House's resistance.
Mr. Obey suggested that lawmakers should be willing to strip out home-state projects, acceding to Mr. Bush's tight line on spending, if that's what it took to make a tough stand on Iraq.
"I am perfectly willing to lose every dollar on the domestic side of the ledger in order to avoid giving them money for the war without conditions," Mr. Obey said. His suggestion met strong resistance from Senate Democrats. At a party luncheon, senators were almost comic in their anger, said one colleague who was present, loudly complaining of being reduced to being "puppets" or "slaves."
On the Senate floor yesterday, Texas Republican Sen. John Cornyn said Democrats were showing signs of "attention deficit disorder." Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a Kentucky Republican, accused the new majority of being more interested in "finger pointing" and "headlines" than legislation. "It won't get bills signed into law," he said.
While Ms. Pelosi had personally supported Mr. Obey's approach, she instructed the House committee to preserve the projects as it began a second round of spending reductions yesterday, cutting an additional $6.9 billion from the $522 billion package.
The Senate committee's Democratic staff joined in the discussions by evening, but the White House denied reports that a deal had been reached at a spending ceiling above the president's initial request.
If agreement is not reached by the end of next week, lawmakers may have to resort again to a yearlong funding resolution that effectively freezes most agencies at their current levels. This would be a repeat of the collapse of the budget process last year under Republican rule -- not the "new direction" Democrats had hoped for.
Tied in Knots
The House and Senate are struggling to complete several matters before they head home this month.
Appropriations: Only the Pentagon budget is in place for the new fiscal year that began Oct. 1. The House and Senate are struggling to finish a bill covering the rest of the government.
Farm bill: The Senate still hopes to complete its version of a farm bill but negotiations with the House will wait until next year.
AMT relief: The House and Senate have passed legislation limiting the alternative minimum tax's hit on millions of middle-class taxpayers. But they differ about whether to offset the lost revenue.
Medicare: Doctors are set to see a cut in Medicare payments in 2008, which lawmakers want to prevent. The House acted, but Senate hasn't yet.
Housing: Several bills addressing the housing crisis have passed the House but are languishing in the Senate.
more...
indianabacklog
02-13 01:27 PM
Any clue?
With I 485 pending you need an EAD to be able to apply for a social security number. I believe it is not uncommon for parents to apply for employment authorization for a minor to do just what you are asking.
With I 485 pending you need an EAD to be able to apply for a social security number. I believe it is not uncommon for parents to apply for employment authorization for a minor to do just what you are asking.
TomPlate
07-02 09:53 AM
1. Country of Birth : India
2. Approval Date : 6/18/2007
3. Category (EB2/3) : EB3
I don't know the priority date of my friend.
2. Approval Date : 6/18/2007
3. Category (EB2/3) : EB3
I don't know the priority date of my friend.
more...
paskal
07-21 10:59 AM
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/07/21/AR2007072100432.html
worth a read
if you are a physician or the spouse of a physician
please join the iv-physicians chapter to help advocacy efforts
worth a read
if you are a physician or the spouse of a physician
please join the iv-physicians chapter to help advocacy efforts
2010 irthday quotes for aunts.
kirupa
01-21 03:57 AM
haha - added, though you were a few minutes late! :)
more...
gc_chahiye
08-15 04:54 AM
XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX
Duplicate thread of this one:
http://immigrationvoice.org/forum/showthread.php?t=12402
XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX
Admins/moderators: can you please delete this thread?
Duplicate thread of this one:
http://immigrationvoice.org/forum/showthread.php?t=12402
XXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXXX
Admins/moderators: can you please delete this thread?
hair irthday quotes for aunts.
clockwork
07-18 08:29 AM
Hi Guys,
I used to fedex EAD and AP applications etc to this Augustine Road address before. After introducing lock boxes, they changes the fedex address too.I am planning to submit AC21. Do i need send to Lewisville address? Any experience in this regards is highly appreciated. Thanks for taking time to read.
Texas Service Center
4141 St. Augustine Road
Dallas, Texas 75227
Texas Service Center
2501 S State Hwy. 121 Business
Suite 400
Lewisville, TX 75067
I used to fedex EAD and AP applications etc to this Augustine Road address before. After introducing lock boxes, they changes the fedex address too.I am planning to submit AC21. Do i need send to Lewisville address? Any experience in this regards is highly appreciated. Thanks for taking time to read.
Texas Service Center
4141 St. Augustine Road
Dallas, Texas 75227
Texas Service Center
2501 S State Hwy. 121 Business
Suite 400
Lewisville, TX 75067
more...
Macaca
11-24 09:21 PM
In Bush’s Last Year, Modest Domestic Aims (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/24/washington/24bush.html) By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG | New York Times, November 24, 2007
WASHINGTON, Nov. 23 — As President Bush looks toward his final year in office, with Democrats controlling Congress and his major domestic initiatives dead on Capitol Hill, he is shifting his agenda to what aides call “kitchen table issues” — small ideas that affect ordinary people’s lives and do not take an act of Congress to put in place.
Over the past few months, Mr. Bush has sounded more like the national Mr. Fix-It than the man who began his second term with a sweeping domestic policy agenda of overhauling Social Security, remaking the tax code and revamping immigration law. Now, with little political capital left, Mr. Bush, like President Bill Clinton before him, is using his executive powers — and his presidential platform — to make little plans sound big.
He traveled to the shore of the Chesapeake Bay in Maryland to announce federal protection for two coveted species of game fish, the striped bass and the red drum. He appeared in the Rose Garden to call on lenders to help struggling homeowners refinance. He came out in favor of giving the Food and Drug Administration new authority to recall unsafe foods.
Just this weekend, thanks to an executive order by Mr. Bush, the military is opening up additional air space — the White House calls it a “Thanksgiving express lane” — to lessen congestion in the skies. And Mr. Bush’s aides say more announcements are in the works, including another initiative, likely to be announced soon, intended to ease the mortgage lending crisis.
With a Mideast peace conference planned for the coming week and a war in Iraq to prosecute, Mr. Bush is, of course, deeply engaged in the most pressing foreign policy matters of the day. The “kitchen table” agenda is part of a broader domestic political strategy — which some Republicans close to the White House attribute to Mr. Bush’s new counselor, Ed Gillespie — for the president to find new and more creative ways of engaging the public as his days in office dwindle and his clout with Congress lessens.
“These are issues that don’t tend to be at the center of the political debate but actually are of paramount importance to a lot of Americans,” said Joel Kaplan, the deputy White House chief of staff.
One Republican close to the White House, who has been briefed on the strategy, said the aim was to talk to Americans about issues beyond Iraq and terrorism, so that Mr. Bush’s hand will be stronger on issues that matter to him, like vetoing spending bills or urging Congress to pay for the war.
“It’s a ticket to relevance, if you will, because right now Bush’s connection, even with the Republican base, is all related to terrorism and the fighting or prosecution of the Iraq war,” this Republican said. “It’s a way to keep his hand in the game, because you’re only relevant if you’re relevant to people on issues that they talk about in their daily lives.”
Mr. Bush often says he wants to “sprint to the finish,” and senior White House officials say this is a way for him to do so. The president has also expressed concerns that Congress has left him out of the loop; in a recent press conference, he said he was exercising his veto power because “that’s one way to ensure that I am relevant.” The kitchen table initiatives are another.
Yet for a president accustomed to dealing in the big picture, talking about airline baggage handling or uniform standards for high-risk foods requires a surprising dip into the realm of minutiae — a realm that, until recently, Mr. Bush’s aides have viewed with disdain.
After Republicans lost control of Congress a year ago, Tony Snow, then the White House press secretary, told reporters: “The president is going to be very aggressive. He’s not going to play small ball.”
It was a veiled dig at Mr. Bush’s predecessor, Mr. Clinton, who, along with his adviser Dick Morris, developed a similar — and surprisingly effective — strategy in 1996 after Republicans took control of Congress. That approach included what Mr. Clinton’s critics called “small-ball” initiatives, like school uniforms, curfews for teenagers and a crackdown on deadbeat dads, as well as the use of executive powers to impose clean air rules, establish national monuments and address medical privacy.
“People in Washington laughed when Mr. Clinton would talk about car seats or school uniforms,” said John Podesta, Mr. Clinton’s former chief of staff. “But I don’t think the public laughed.”
Nor does the public appear to be laughing at Mr. Bush.
When the president sat down at a rustic wooden desk on the shores of the Chesapeake last month to sign an executive order that made permanent a ban on commercial fishing of striped bass and red drum in federal waters, people in the capital barely took notice.
But it was big news on the southwest coast of Louisiana, where Chris Harbuck, a 45-year-old independent financial planner and recreational angler, likes to fish with his wife and teenage children. Mr. Harbuck is also the president of the Louisiana chapter of the Coastal Conservation Association, a nonprofit group dedicated to conserving marine resources; Mr. Bush’s order is splashed all over his latest newsletter.
“We were very thrilled with what he did,” Mr. Harbuck said.
That is exactly the outside-the-Beltway reaction the White House is hoping for. Mr. Bush’s aides are calculating that the public, numbed by what Mr. Kaplan called “esoteric budget battles” and other Washington conflicts, will respond to issues like long airline delays or tainted toys from China. They were especially pleased with the air congestion initiative.
“You could just tell from the coverage how it did strike a chord,” said Kevin Sullivan, Mr. Bush’s communications counselor.
Yet some of Mr. Bush’s new initiatives have had little practical effect. Fishing for red drum and striped bass, for instance, is already prohibited in federal waters; Mr. Bush’s action will take effect only if the existing ban is lifted. And the Federal Aviation Administration can already open military airspace on its own, without presidential action.
Democrats, like Senator Byron L. Dorgan of North Dakota, who runs the Senate’s Democratic Policy Committee, dismiss the actions as window dressing. “It’s more words than substance,” said Mr. Dorgan said, adding he was surprised to see a president who has often seemed averse to federal regulation using his regulatory authority.
“He’s kind of a late bloomer,” Mr. Dorgan said.
Mr. Bush, for his part, has been using the kitchen table announcements to tweak Democrats, by calling on them to pass legislation he has proposed, such as a bill modernizing the aviation administration. The message, in Mr. Sullivan’s words, is, “We’re not going to just sit back because they’re obstructing things the president wants to accomplish. We are trying to find other ways to do things that are meaningful to regular people out there.”
Gillespie: Bush Shifts Approach As Legislative Window Closes (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/11/30/AR2007113000836.html) By Peter Baker | Washington Post, November 30, 2007
WASHINGTON, Nov. 23 — As President Bush looks toward his final year in office, with Democrats controlling Congress and his major domestic initiatives dead on Capitol Hill, he is shifting his agenda to what aides call “kitchen table issues” — small ideas that affect ordinary people’s lives and do not take an act of Congress to put in place.
Over the past few months, Mr. Bush has sounded more like the national Mr. Fix-It than the man who began his second term with a sweeping domestic policy agenda of overhauling Social Security, remaking the tax code and revamping immigration law. Now, with little political capital left, Mr. Bush, like President Bill Clinton before him, is using his executive powers — and his presidential platform — to make little plans sound big.
He traveled to the shore of the Chesapeake Bay in Maryland to announce federal protection for two coveted species of game fish, the striped bass and the red drum. He appeared in the Rose Garden to call on lenders to help struggling homeowners refinance. He came out in favor of giving the Food and Drug Administration new authority to recall unsafe foods.
Just this weekend, thanks to an executive order by Mr. Bush, the military is opening up additional air space — the White House calls it a “Thanksgiving express lane” — to lessen congestion in the skies. And Mr. Bush’s aides say more announcements are in the works, including another initiative, likely to be announced soon, intended to ease the mortgage lending crisis.
With a Mideast peace conference planned for the coming week and a war in Iraq to prosecute, Mr. Bush is, of course, deeply engaged in the most pressing foreign policy matters of the day. The “kitchen table” agenda is part of a broader domestic political strategy — which some Republicans close to the White House attribute to Mr. Bush’s new counselor, Ed Gillespie — for the president to find new and more creative ways of engaging the public as his days in office dwindle and his clout with Congress lessens.
“These are issues that don’t tend to be at the center of the political debate but actually are of paramount importance to a lot of Americans,” said Joel Kaplan, the deputy White House chief of staff.
One Republican close to the White House, who has been briefed on the strategy, said the aim was to talk to Americans about issues beyond Iraq and terrorism, so that Mr. Bush’s hand will be stronger on issues that matter to him, like vetoing spending bills or urging Congress to pay for the war.
“It’s a ticket to relevance, if you will, because right now Bush’s connection, even with the Republican base, is all related to terrorism and the fighting or prosecution of the Iraq war,” this Republican said. “It’s a way to keep his hand in the game, because you’re only relevant if you’re relevant to people on issues that they talk about in their daily lives.”
Mr. Bush often says he wants to “sprint to the finish,” and senior White House officials say this is a way for him to do so. The president has also expressed concerns that Congress has left him out of the loop; in a recent press conference, he said he was exercising his veto power because “that’s one way to ensure that I am relevant.” The kitchen table initiatives are another.
Yet for a president accustomed to dealing in the big picture, talking about airline baggage handling or uniform standards for high-risk foods requires a surprising dip into the realm of minutiae — a realm that, until recently, Mr. Bush’s aides have viewed with disdain.
After Republicans lost control of Congress a year ago, Tony Snow, then the White House press secretary, told reporters: “The president is going to be very aggressive. He’s not going to play small ball.”
It was a veiled dig at Mr. Bush’s predecessor, Mr. Clinton, who, along with his adviser Dick Morris, developed a similar — and surprisingly effective — strategy in 1996 after Republicans took control of Congress. That approach included what Mr. Clinton’s critics called “small-ball” initiatives, like school uniforms, curfews for teenagers and a crackdown on deadbeat dads, as well as the use of executive powers to impose clean air rules, establish national monuments and address medical privacy.
“People in Washington laughed when Mr. Clinton would talk about car seats or school uniforms,” said John Podesta, Mr. Clinton’s former chief of staff. “But I don’t think the public laughed.”
Nor does the public appear to be laughing at Mr. Bush.
When the president sat down at a rustic wooden desk on the shores of the Chesapeake last month to sign an executive order that made permanent a ban on commercial fishing of striped bass and red drum in federal waters, people in the capital barely took notice.
But it was big news on the southwest coast of Louisiana, where Chris Harbuck, a 45-year-old independent financial planner and recreational angler, likes to fish with his wife and teenage children. Mr. Harbuck is also the president of the Louisiana chapter of the Coastal Conservation Association, a nonprofit group dedicated to conserving marine resources; Mr. Bush’s order is splashed all over his latest newsletter.
“We were very thrilled with what he did,” Mr. Harbuck said.
That is exactly the outside-the-Beltway reaction the White House is hoping for. Mr. Bush’s aides are calculating that the public, numbed by what Mr. Kaplan called “esoteric budget battles” and other Washington conflicts, will respond to issues like long airline delays or tainted toys from China. They were especially pleased with the air congestion initiative.
“You could just tell from the coverage how it did strike a chord,” said Kevin Sullivan, Mr. Bush’s communications counselor.
Yet some of Mr. Bush’s new initiatives have had little practical effect. Fishing for red drum and striped bass, for instance, is already prohibited in federal waters; Mr. Bush’s action will take effect only if the existing ban is lifted. And the Federal Aviation Administration can already open military airspace on its own, without presidential action.
Democrats, like Senator Byron L. Dorgan of North Dakota, who runs the Senate’s Democratic Policy Committee, dismiss the actions as window dressing. “It’s more words than substance,” said Mr. Dorgan said, adding he was surprised to see a president who has often seemed averse to federal regulation using his regulatory authority.
“He’s kind of a late bloomer,” Mr. Dorgan said.
Mr. Bush, for his part, has been using the kitchen table announcements to tweak Democrats, by calling on them to pass legislation he has proposed, such as a bill modernizing the aviation administration. The message, in Mr. Sullivan’s words, is, “We’re not going to just sit back because they’re obstructing things the president wants to accomplish. We are trying to find other ways to do things that are meaningful to regular people out there.”
Gillespie: Bush Shifts Approach As Legislative Window Closes (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/11/30/AR2007113000836.html) By Peter Baker | Washington Post, November 30, 2007
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shreya
02-16 09:17 PM
H1-H4-H1 conversion --Please advice
Posted Today at 10:14 PM by shreya
Hi,
I came US through H4.Currently on H1 since Oct 08. As Economy is bad,my employer couldnot place me in a project.So my employer is asking to convert from H1 to H4(by applying i-539) and once i get project can move back from H4 to H1, which will not come under seperate Quota as my H1 is already approved once.
Can i know is this safe to move from H1 to H4 and then back from H4 to H1 once i get project.Will there be any issues in converting H4 to H1.What are the chances of getting H1 back.
Please advice.Any suggestions is really appreciated.
Thanks
Shreya...
Posted Today at 10:14 PM by shreya
Hi,
I came US through H4.Currently on H1 since Oct 08. As Economy is bad,my employer couldnot place me in a project.So my employer is asking to convert from H1 to H4(by applying i-539) and once i get project can move back from H4 to H1, which will not come under seperate Quota as my H1 is already approved once.
Can i know is this safe to move from H1 to H4 and then back from H4 to H1 once i get project.Will there be any issues in converting H4 to H1.What are the chances of getting H1 back.
Please advice.Any suggestions is really appreciated.
Thanks
Shreya...
more...
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textus
01-19 12:52 PM
Hi Guys:
I'm in a process of transfering my H1B to a new employer. I've already hired a lawyer and paid him his fee. The lawyer spoke to my employer and everything was going fine. Now, my new employer tells me that his company "froze hiring" untill further notice !?!
I'm wondering
1. Is my employer lying and why?
2. Can I somehow make my employer pay me back the money I already paid to the lawyer?
I'm in a process of transfering my H1B to a new employer. I've already hired a lawyer and paid him his fee. The lawyer spoke to my employer and everything was going fine. Now, my new employer tells me that his company "froze hiring" untill further notice !?!
I'm wondering
1. Is my employer lying and why?
2. Can I somehow make my employer pay me back the money I already paid to the lawyer?
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Blog Feeds
08-08 09:50 PM
Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell says that he's not aware of anyone who wants to alter the 14th Amendment (uh, did you just wake up from a coma and miss the last two weeks?). But he doesn't see any harm in having a couple of hearings. Keep feeding the Tea Party beast, Mitch. Eventually, it won't be hungry anymore, right?
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/08/mcconnell-we-dont-really-want-to-scrap-the-14th-amendment-wink-wink.html)
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2010/08/mcconnell-we-dont-really-want-to-scrap-the-14th-amendment-wink-wink.html)
more...
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devs
06-26 05:29 AM
hi,
My h1 is approved in this years quota but i have not received I797. During this period if my h4 is stamped will my h1 be cancelled. or can i go to US on
h4 and then change my status to h1 ?
My h1 is approved in this years quota but i have not received I797. During this period if my h4 is stamped will my h1 be cancelled. or can i go to US on
h4 and then change my status to h1 ?
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adham_a
04-16 10:54 AM
Grendizer and dukefleed :)
more...
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aanakkoddan
07-06 06:27 PM
My LD 01/31/2003 I485 date 10/20/03 extending my EAD 4th time. Stuck in backlog center TX. Any one recently got from TX backlog?
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capwellcc
10-01 09:46 AM
This is probably a silly question but I have this really nice logo
designed in photoshop that I want to use in flash but the problem is that everytime that I import this picture to flash I get that white background the picture was saved with.
Does ANYBODY know how to get rid of this background so that I can just use the logo?
Thanks a million, SOMEONE help
designed in photoshop that I want to use in flash but the problem is that everytime that I import this picture to flash I get that white background the picture was saved with.
Does ANYBODY know how to get rid of this background so that I can just use the logo?
Thanks a million, SOMEONE help
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gc_freedom
10-07 05:20 PM
Delete.Looks like old info..
Dr. Barry Post
03-31 10:56 PM
:snug:
DAGGSREE
07-31 04:05 PM
All
I need your help to come to a conclusion on my issue.
1) I am on L1-b now in USA and working on company A
2) company B filed me and H1B as consulate process(means i have to get
stamped to start working for them)
Recently company B filed me labor+ I-140 mentioning as future employment and they are planning to file I 485 also now(since we have current dates)
Now I am planning to quit company A for who i am working on L1 and want to go for stamping to join company B who will be filing 485 for me. I have plans to travel to canada for stamping on August last week (after 485 filing).
Do we have any issues to get the stamping for new company who filed my 485
any help is greatly appriciated.
thanks
sree
I need your help to come to a conclusion on my issue.
1) I am on L1-b now in USA and working on company A
2) company B filed me and H1B as consulate process(means i have to get
stamped to start working for them)
Recently company B filed me labor+ I-140 mentioning as future employment and they are planning to file I 485 also now(since we have current dates)
Now I am planning to quit company A for who i am working on L1 and want to go for stamping to join company B who will be filing 485 for me. I have plans to travel to canada for stamping on August last week (after 485 filing).
Do we have any issues to get the stamping for new company who filed my 485
any help is greatly appriciated.
thanks
sree
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